The Caste System Among Muslims in South Asia

The phenomenon of caste among Muslims in India and Pakistan presents a complex intersection of religion and social stratification shaped significantly by historical contexts and cultural influences. Although the egalitarian principles of Islam challenge the concept of caste, the realities of South Asian society have led to the persistence of caste-like structures within Muslim communities.

There exists a dual perspective among Muslims regarding caste. Some acknowledge its presence and suggest alternative labels such as biradari or zaat, highlighting ethnic affiliations rather than caste. Others staunchly deny the existence of caste among Muslims, arguing that Islam’s egalitarian ethos precludes such divisions.

While Islam theoretically does not endorse caste distinctions, the reality in South Asia indicates otherwise. The biradari system (clan-based affiliations that govern social interactions) reflects similar principles to the Hindu caste system, including endogamy, recruitment by birth, hierarchy of status, and occupational specialization. Despite using different terms, this social organization system functions similarly to caste systems, reinforcing social divisions.

The origins of caste among South Asian Muslims can be traced to the historical recruitment of many converts from the Hindu population. Despite accepting Islam, many converts, especially from lower Hindu classes were unable to get rid of their caste, resulting in the emergence of distinct social categories such as dalit-Muslims. Moreover, when Islam came, caste was already in the air. This interaction between Islam and the Indian civilization led to the emergence of distinctive Muslim classes of Ashraf (noble class) and non-Ashraf (commoners).

The Ashraf considered the noble class, trace their lineage to Arab immigrants and include subgroups like sayyids (claiming descent from the Prophet Muhammad), Shaykhs (Typically descendants of Arab or Persian immigrants), Pashtuns (from the Pashto-speaking tribes), and Mughals (of Turkish descent, known from Mughal Empire).

Conversely, non-Ashraf Muslims can be further divided into three tiers based on their Hindu caste backgrounds, reflecting a hierarchy that mirrors the Hindu caste system. The Ajlafs ( the ‘commoners’), were converts from Hindu low castes, and the Arzals (the ‘despicable’), were said to be Dalit converts. In short, Ashrafs are the Brahmin equivalent, Ajlafs are the Vaisya and Shudras, and Arzals are the Atishudras or Dalit equivalents of Islam. This reflects a hierarchy that mirrors the Hindu caste system. Thus, it would be apt to say that while Islam may not have castes or caste-like groupings, the Indian Muslims do have.

Often it is argued that muslim zaat and the concept of caste cannot be treated similarly. Pervaiz Nazir (1993) analyzed the stratification and social status symbols that existed in Punjab. Within localities, people were divided into 3 main groups. Populations are categorized into Zamindars (Landowning cultivators) and the Kamins which included the Artisan/service castes, and landless agricultural laborers/tenants. These groups can also be classified as Ashraf, Ajlaf, or Arzal, with the landless laborers typically forming the majority. Power, izzat, and prestige were associated with the landowning class and the kamins which comprised various groups depending on their nature of job were dependent on the zamindars. There was unequal sharing of purchasing power and it was dependent on hereditary status. The landowners like Brahmins occupied the highest status ranking. The Punjabi term that was employed to designate these clusters of roles and the ranking position associated with them was zat, and the system mentioned above can be seen as a caste system. Moreover, the Hindu notion of pollution though is absent in Muslims, however hierarchical ordering and mutual separation of zats were expressed in terms of different notions, notably those of honor, power, and prestige.

The caste system in India has transitioned from a religious practice to a cultural one. If someone converts to another religion without a caste system, their original caste identity persists due to cultural perceptions. While the formal caste system may have been abolished, informal caste-related issues persist due to cultural attitudes and social norms. The example of a Dalit woman moving to a Scandinavian country illustrates how being away from her native culture allows her to escape the constraints of the caste system. Therefore, to sum it all up, the issue mainly lies more with cultural practices and societal attitudes rather than religious aspects of Hinduism itself.

Modern influences, including British colonial policies e.g redefinition of ownership and property rights and the emergence of a capitalistic economy, have gradually influenced the traditional caste systems within Muslim communities. Muslim Legal reforms in rural areas, changes in property rights, and increased economic opportunities have led to shifts in social dynamics. Individual mobility, once limited by caste, has been enhanced, allowing for a redefinition of identity beyond traditional group affiliations.Even the term zaat is now used to represent personal affiliation instead of caste affiliation. There is also a growing tendency to substitute the tribal laws with the laws of islam. Furthermore, recent scholarship has expanded the definition of caste systems to encompass moral frameworks that categorize society by descent, marriage, and occupation. This broader perspective acknowledges caste-like systems among Muslims as existing independently of Hindu influence.

Recognizing caste as an independent social system within Muslim societies enables policymakers and reformers to adopt a nuanced approach. This approach acknowledges the historical continuity and cultural significance of caste while aiming to dismantle discriminatory practices and promote inclusivity.Moreover, fostering dialogue and promoting awareness within Muslim communities about the impact of caste-based prejudices is essential. This involves challenging entrenched beliefs and practices that perpetuate social inequalities based on caste, thereby fostering a more inclusive and cohesive society.

In conclusion, the existence of caste among Muslims in South Asia highlights the complexities of social stratification influenced by historical, cultural, and religious contexts. While Islam presents an egalitarian ideology, the lived experiences of communities demonstrate a significant departure from this ideal, revealing how deeply rooted social structures can persist even in the face of transformative religious beliefs. Moreover, recent thinking also suggests that the caste among Muslims in India can be seen as an independent system and not merely as an extension of the Hindu caste system. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for addressing contemporary issues of social inequality and cultural identity within the region.