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Pakistan’s Struggle: Security Challenges and Political Infighting

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The news of our gallant officers and soldiers being killed or seriously wounded while defending the borders is not receiving the attention it deserves because it is lost in the haze of political infighting and perilous economic conditions. Truly, the Tehreek-I-Taliban Pakistan keeps on representing a serious security challenge. Roused by the progress of Taliban in Afghanistan the TTP is attempting to make a territory in specific areas of ancestral belt and in Smack where it has plans to force its adaptation of Islam.

The TTP has been getting bolder in its attacks on civilian and military targets all over the country for a few months. However, Pakistan is not Afghanistan, and the military has largely succeeded in destroying the majority of TTP hideouts and driving them back with the full support of the local populace. However, the TTP’s activities were ignored by the Taliban government in Afghanistan until recently.

It gave them free rein to operate in Afghanistan and launch attacks against Pakistan because they were comrades in arms. Pakistan’s understated threat that Afghanistan would be forced to retaliate against them even if it meant crossing the border appears to have been registered and taken seriously.

However, the unfortunate aspect is that the country’s major issues, such as the economy, security, and preparations for national elections, have been put on hold because of the government and opposition’s mutual animosity.

Until recently, opposition leader Imran Khan was the most prominent player on the political stage. Since he was ousted from power in the beginning of 2022 through a no-confidence motion in the parliament and lost the support of the military leadership, he has been on the streets agitating with his fervent, mostly young followers up until recently. The raucous behavior of his employees and his rampage at the Corp Commander’s official residence in Lahore have further irritated the army leadership. Numerous of his belligerent followers have been detained.

Seeing no prompt possibilities of Khan getting back in the game, there has been a mass departure of party stalwarts. Khan’s mismanagement of the economy and his mistaken belief that he can ignore the military’s advice and their priorities were the primary reasons for his removal. Many also disapproved of the events of May 9 and were disassociated from them. Ironically, his rise to power in 2018 and subsequent three and a half years were made possible by the support of the army leadership. Khan’s chances of regaining power have sharply diminished because of the army’s withdrawal of support due to dissatisfaction with the PTI’s performance.

It Is suspicious if Khan could draw any examples from what he and the nation has gone through during his residency as head of the state and from that point forward as a resistance chief. His strong ego and self-righteousness are his biggest flaws. Absence of regard for the resistance, especially its chiefs, and dismissal for fundamental popularity-based standards and culture have come his direction in prevailing to earn a greater part in parliament.

Khan’s extreme abhorrence of resistance administration and his absolute refusal to associate with them or sit in parliament further debilitated the vote-based system and reinforced rather the force of the military and legal executive. Additionally, his latent support for violence’s return has backfired.

Also, erratic was Khan’s foreign policy management. His initial claim that the US was to blame for his removal from the PM’s Office and subsequent retractions did not serve the countries or his own interests and put his expatriate supporters in an awkward position. Strangely, senators and human rights groups in the United States have expressed concern that he be dealt with in accordance with the law.

Recent events also offer leadership lessons for the PML-N and PPP. They must primarily rely on sound governance and engage in performance-based politics. Putting the people’s well-being first and relying on the judiciary or security establishment weakens democracy. However, this would necessitate a significant reorganization of political party power structures. If contestants are given equal opportunities, dynamic dominance in parties is acceptable. It is additionally considering a legitimate concern for those individuals from the family to guarantee straightforwardness in their races like the case in a few mature vote-based systems like the US and England.

Apart from working toward political stability, it is equally important for the current and future governments to focus on improving the security situation. It is necessary to deal with the TTP and other militant groups with resolve. By and by, their exercises and area of impact appear to be on the ascent. Fundamental to managing hostility is financial improvement and working on political consciousness of individuals.

The government should not postpone elections in the hope that doing so will assist in their rise to power. Given how bad things are getting, this would make things worse. The government is frantically seeking the revival of the IMF agreement as a last resort to prevent financial collapse as the economy is on the verge of bankruptcy. In these circumstances, the finance minister’s brave face does not help. There is very little reason to delay announcing an election date, which is the right course of action.

However, holding elections on their own will not be sufficient unless political parties, once in power, seriously work to improve the economy, which has been declining in recent years. Furthermore, the way it is being handled, as previously mentioned, does not support optimism. Domestic growth is sluggish, and productivity is falling. It is best for the government to concentrate on institutional development rather than wasting national resources and valuable time on bringing down opponents. In these trying times, it would be easier to steer the country if it were in the hands of a political party or coalition that has widespread support. We need free and fair elections to accomplish this.

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Unemployment: A major concern for Pakistan

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Unemployment has become an alarming issue in Pakistan nowadays. Not just an individual but society and the economy are severely affected by the repercussions of unemployment. When a person is jobless but actively looking for work, such a person is considered unemployed. One of the most pervasive issues in Pakistan is unemployment. It is seen as a reflection of a nation’s economy. Since Pakistan’s founding in 1947, unemployment has been a significant issue because its economy has been shaky. 6.65 million individuals in Pakistan are unemployed. Comparing degree holders to the rest of the unemployed, the unemployment rate is three times greater. It is the despair of every university student and recent graduate. Every year, a staggering number of people graduate from institutions. On the other side, fewer jobs are available in their respective industries. The number of unemployed individuals in the country would increase by more than 2 to 8 million by the end of 2023, predicts Hafiz Pasha, a well-known economist. Gender disparity exists similarly. In Pakistan, there are more women without jobs than men.

Several factors contribute to the high unemployment rates in Pakistan. The country’s economy is in a miserable situation right now. It is no secret that dollar rates have skyrocketed and that fuel and petrol costs have reached record highs. Every single item now has such a high price. People in the middle class struggle to make ends meet. Undoubtedly, the COVID-19 epidemic and the string of lockdowns played a role. The aftermath has resulted in even greater economic losses. For almost two decades, Pakistan has been experiencing an energy crisis. Exports of petroleum predominate. The country’s electricity production cost is considerably high because they consume so little but pay such high costs people find it extremely difficult to pay hefty electrical bills. The government is unable to create more jobs because of the energy problem. Youth unemployment is also substantially impacted by the expanding population. There are fewer opportunities available as the population increases. Due to this intense competition at work, it is challenging for young people to find gainful employment. The country is affected by this unemployment, both in urban and rural areas. This negatively affects Pakistan’s future, development, and socioeconomic status.

A lack of educational opportunities is one of the main causes of youth unemployment in Pakistan. In Pakistan, just 43% of people have had a formal education. Many young people cannot obtain employment that matches their skills and qualifications because they lack access to high-quality education. Unemployed teenagers are, therefore, prevalent in the country. Young people have low economic productivity and skill development levels due to a lack of excellent educational and vocational training programs. Most young people struggle to find fulfilling employment, leading to prolonged unemployment.

Political instability is a big contributor to young people’s unemployment in Pakistan. The country has seen several political upheavals recently, which has complicated trade and investment. As a result, fewer job openings, and a higher proportion of young people are unemployed. The lack of resources is a grave problem in Pakistan. Many young people lack access to resources like money, technology, and mentors that would enable them to find fulfilling employment. There are also fewer employment opportunities due to the government’s underinvestment in the agricultural and industrial sectors. As a result, the private sector has little incentive to create jobs, which increases the unemployment rate for young people. The poverty rate in the nation is thought to be around 32%.

Unemployment in Pakistan carries significant consequences that affect various aspects of society and the overall economy. In the Bureau of Immigration’s latest document, many skilled and educated youth have fled Pakistan to pursue a better life and work in 2023. According to the report, about 75000 Pakistanis have traveled in the past years to different countries due to political instability and the growing economic crisis. The top bureau officer claims that the main causes of this youth brain drain are rising inflation, unemployment, and political unpredictability. Pakistan has lost 7,000 engineers, 25,000 doctors, 1,600 nurses, 2,000 computer professionals, 6,500 accountants, 2,600 agricultural experts, and 9,00 teachers due to this brain drain this year.

Unemployment can contribute to social unrest and an increase in criminal activities. Joblessness, particularly among the youth, can breed frustration, disillusionment, and a sense of hopelessness, leading to social unrest and protests. Desperation for income may drive individuals towards illegal activities to make ends meet, increasing crime rates. Unemployment-induced social instability threatens social cohesion and overall peace within communities. This has affected Pakistani society severely, and its impacts can be seen with the immigration of skilled youth to different countries seeking jobs. Joblessness has caused emotional distress, eroded self-esteem, and diminished the overall well-being of individuals and their families.

It is high time that the government should tackle this pressing issue and prioritize creating an enabling environment for job growth, encouraging entrepreneurship, and attracting domestic and foreign investments. Educational reforms are necessary to bridge the skills gap and align education with market demands. Investment in vocational training programs, apprenticeships, and skill development initiatives can enhance employability and provide individuals with the tools they need to succeed in the job market. Furthermore, targeted social welfare programs can provide temporary relief and support for the unemployed while they seek employment.

Unemployment is a major concern for Pakistan, impacting individuals, society, and the overall economy. Policymakers, businesses, and society must collaborate in developing comprehensive strategies that create more job opportunities, address the skills mismatch, and foster an environment conducive to entrepreneurship and investment. By prioritizing the reduction of unemployment, Pakistan can unlock its potential, improve living standards, alleviate poverty, and pave the way for inclusive socioeconomic progress.

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TO MIGRATE OR NOT TO MIGRATE

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Homo Sapiens migration is almost as old as the Homo Sapiens themselves, around 100,000 years when they left their abode in the African continent and populated parts of Europe and Asia. They reached the Australian continent in canoes sometime between 35,000 and 65,000 years ago. Scientists studying land masses and climate understand that the Pleistocene Ice Age created a land bridge that connected Asia and North America (Alaska) over 13,000 years ago. A widely accepted migration theory is that people crossed this land bridge and eventually migrated into North and South America. 

So, why is it a problem now?

Understanding the risks and opportunities of modern-day migration is not an easy phenomenon. It could very well be a source of prosperity and innovation, as it has been throughout the history of Mankind, but it could also usher in untold miseries and countless deaths. During the twentieth century, the Great Depression, the World Wars and decolonization, etc. caused major cross-border displacement. 

The world today, according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), is currently witnessing some of the largest migrations on record. At the end of 2022, there are 108.4 million displaced people worldwide who have fled their homes due to conflict and persecution, also referred to as ‘involuntary migration’. 

Pakistan is a country with one of the world’s highest rates of migration, from where migrants depart for their destination countries by different networks using variant modalities, being a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children subjected to trafficking in persons, specifically forced labor and prostitution. 

In the provinces of Sindh and Punjab, over a million humans are trafficked, primarily for bonded labor to be used in agriculture, brick making and mining, and carpet making. Human smuggling has become one of the most lucrative and fastest-growing criminal enterprises because of the “low risk- high profits” ratio. Trafficking in person is not confined to underdeveloped or developing countries as this plague is rampant throughout the world, including in Europe and the United States.  

The many push-and-pull factors compelling and attracting people to the path of migration could include labor including bonded labor, human rights violations (including issues that arise out of religious, sectarian beliefs / racial or ethnic prejudices, regional or provincial biases), migration for better living standards for freedom of expression, search for better living standards, asylum due to political oppression, Commercial activities, forced prostitution and child trafficking, that has shown significant rise linked to the alarming increase in online child pornography, including live streaming of sexual abuse of children could come to mind. This lucrative business is estimated to generate $3–$20 billion annually in profits.

Some of the issues involved could include:

  1. As a concept and not a rule, the smuggling process involves the recruitment of migrants and their transportation. In some cases, even their integration into destination countries.
  2. Over the years each state has, depending on its national interests, priorities, and capacity to absorb migrants, formulated rules for entry, transit, and stay of migrants. These are generally restrictive and at times are defined by the preference of states for certain types of migrants (usually high-skilled migrants). This all sounds very well but many individuals who wish to migrate do not satisfy these legal requirements. When reasons to migrate become compelling, they seek illegal means. That is where the smugglers come in to assist migrants in evading migration controls and enable them to irregularly enter and stay in destination countries. Due to the high profits involved and the porous state borders, especially in cases of sea and land routes, smugglers have become experts and adopted innovative means to defeat state border management apparatus. As such migrant smuggling has evolved into an organised crime.
  3. Generally, a complex network of individuals and resources is established that relies on national, regional, and global actors. These operate through family, friends, or membership of the same ethnic group or community. There is a relationship at work between smugglers and smuggled migrants, family and friends who generally invest and sponsor the venture, and even individuals along the smuggling routes who are paid for services.
  4. Racial, ethnic, social, gender, age group, tribal affiliations, and financial status of the migrants also determine the costs and treatment extended to them. There are vulnerable groups who suffer from multiple disadvantages, including but not limited to the fact of being far from home, mostly in alien regions with no friends or relations. Many will not know the language, cultural habits, and logistics in transit and destination countries. Women, unaccompanied minors, and people with disabilities are particularly handicapped. 
  5. The mechanics involved often are dangerous coupled with great personal risks. These risks increase depending on the vulnerability of the migrants. As in every illegal, risky, profitable venture, here also there is a nexus between these smugglers and, depending on the situation, national, regional and international organized criminal gangs. They are often involved in most phases of the smuggling process. They may provide fraudulent documents, arrange transportation, and even en-route protection. As they have acquired capacity and connections with border officials, they can extend the same facilities to the smugglers as well for a hefty fee.  

Figure 1: Migration Routes around the World (: UNODC, Global Study on Smuggling of Migrants, 2018, p. 11)

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States have made (and are making) efforts to protect their citizens against illegal migration but despite all the efforts, the question remains, have these efforts had a matching impact?

National, and international legal regimes and UN Conventions, generally divide the offense into three components.  The first is the act of recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring, and receipt of persons; then the mechanics by which it is done and includes the use of force and other forms of coercion, such as abduction and deception; and last is the purpose for which they are being smuggled, whether for prostitution, forced labor and slavery or the removal of organs. 

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“The integrated management of borders is a messy, ‘wicked’ policy problem”, (Harmon and Mayer, 1986). Wicked problems have no neat, routine, technical, bureaucratic, or managerial solutions. ‘The metaphor of the wicked problem stands in contrast to traditional bureaucratic policymaking and implementation. For wicked problems, the agreement is forged by jointly steering courses of action and delivering policy outputs that are consistent with the multiplicity of societal interests’ (Agranoff and McGuire, 2003: 24). 

The two basic policy issues and operational tasks at the border are the detection and filtering out of the small number of security risks and illegal crossers from the large numbers who cross legally, and balancing out the openness and closure of borders. The obstacles faced when seeking to manage control of the complex borders of Pakistan are characteristic of a wicked problem and are dominated by the de facto and de-jure chains of commands at the strategic and tactical levels at all the border crossings. The simple rule is- “FIA for the persons and Customs for the cargo” but how can we have such simple protocols? Apart from these two basic entities, over a dozen agencies perform the border management (Road, sea, and air) task. Frontier Corp, National Logistics Cell, Airport Security Force, Coast Guards, and dozens of intelligence agencies dominate the others where the goal for some is not always effective border management but a piece of the illegal pie.

Despite all the efforts to counter migrant trafficking and human smuggling (most well-intended), due to the push-pull factors outlined, there still has been an unfortunate beeline for legal as well as illegal immigration from Pakistan since the mid-70s. Reasons and circumstances may have altered over the years, but the hankering exists. One major reason that has assumed a major cause is the lack of awareness among the masses. Some NGOs, CSOs, a few media outlets, and international entities have been making concerted efforts to make the masses aware of the perils, state sponsorship of these efforts is lukewarm, even though the Parliament has passed legislation mandating the Executive to increase risk awareness among the public.

FIA has over the recent years been active in unearthing major smuggling networks and apprehending many wanted smugglers, but the Greece boat tragedy has proved that more efforts are needed. FIA’s good work, though appreciated by international entities, has barely found any recognition in Pakistan, so essential for motivation. 

The Greece Boat Accident should serve as a critical juncture for putting in place robust mechanisms to stop further tragedies. Rhetoric, political point scoring (“PM is pleased to mourn”), finger-pointing (at the Boat managers), and shifting the blame outside Pakistan would never work. Even ordering a meaningless and toothless inquiry, the results of which would never be known would not do (reference Sir Humphrey, “And never set up an inquiry unless you know in advance what its findings will be”). 

There are over half a dozen legal and policy instruments available to stop migrants trafficking and human smuggling but there is hardly any meaningful implementation by the responsible agencies. FIA is the lynchpin in countering migrant trafficking, an internal prioritization audit and resource reallocation need to be carried out. If the agency needs better human resources and enhanced financial resources, the same should be provided. The dormant Border Management Wing, established in December 2020 in the Ministry of Interior should be reactivated and put to work. Similarly, the National Border Management Strategy should be revisited by relevant stakeholders and implemented.  

Several International and Regional entities have shown their eagerness to help Pakistan better manage its borders through the capacity building of Border Management Agencies and the provision of funds. Surprisingly, these efforts are, at times, looked at with disdain, and their recommendations are generally not implemented. The Prime Minister must take some bold decisions quickly before the country’s focus is shifted away from the tragedy, back to the high-profile low-value squabbles between state institutions.

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The Impact of the French Revolution

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The French Revolution was one of the greatest events in human history that changed Europe and the world. For the first time, people showed their supremacy and challenged the monarchy. The event gave the idea of equality, justice, and fraternity. It was the one voice of people against the injustice of the monarchs. This event spread throughout Europe and the world, allowing people to raise their voices against their government. As they said,” Governments are our enemy, and people are our friends.” However, there were several reasons behind the revolution, like the financial crisis, heavy taxes on the third estate (ordinary people), exemption of taxes on the first and second estates (clergy and noble), enlightenment ideas by philosophers like Voltaire and Rousseau that boasted the confidence of people.  Apart from that, Social inequality, weak leadership, food shortages, and high prices were factors behind the revolution. The revolution ended with several changes, like the monarchy’s end, radical political movements, the reign of terror, the spread of revolutionary ideas, and the rise of nationalism in Europe and the world.

Causes of Revolution

 Social inequality. It was one of the primary causes of the revolution, as people faced social inequality. French society was divided into three estates; the first two estates were enjoying powers, owning land, and not paying taxes. The third estate, peasants and laborers, paid huge taxes and got nothing in return. So peasantry demanded equality and justice, which caused tension in the nobility and clergy.

Financial crisis. France faced a severe financial crisis during the 18th century due to extravagant spending by the monarchy and expensive wars. The government imposed more taxes on people to overcome the financial crisis, which incited anger.

Enlightenment ideas.  During the 18th century, philosophers like Voltaire, Rousseau, and Montesquieu spread awareness in public through their writing and poetry. They demanded equality, justice, and fraternity. They challenged the status quo of the government, advocated democratic principles, and criticized the absolute monarchy.

Weak leadership. King Louis XVI faced a crisis of leadership. He was an ineffective leader and could not run the country. He exploited the masses and common men and gave much relief to the nobility. He imposed severe taxes on the peasantry that increased the suffering of common people.

Food shortage. The involvement of France in wars caused food shortages. Prices of bread rose, which was the food of people.  Hunger compelled people to storm shops and loot shops, creating chaos in the country. 

Consequences of the revolution.

The French Revolution had several consequences; it ended the monarchy in France and established democracy.  It also compelled other countries to lead the war on France to stop the revolution in their countries.  Furthermore, it led to the rise of Napoleon Bonaparte, who became the emperor of France, and he expanded the territory of  France through military invasions. 

Impacts of Revolution on Europe and the World 

There is no denying that the revolution brought several changes in Europe and the world. It directly affected Europe as people raised their voices against their governments in European countries. Few social scientists believe that the revolution engulfed entire Europe in flames of fire and became the reason for the independence of several countries as the idea of nationalism increased in Europe and the world. The feudalism system declined throughout Europe. Furthermore, revolutionary ideas spread like wildfire worldwide, particularly in Europe. In addition, democratic principles were promoted, and human rights were respected and accepted. For the first time, the participation of people in government and

its decision was increased in abundance. 

The French Revolution in 1789 was the populace’s attempt to wrest political power from the monarchy. It started from the will and determination of common people and ended with the supremacy of ordinary people. It gave authority and power to people rather than monarchists. It gave the idea of equality, justice, and fraternity. It promoted democratic principles and human rights values across the world. Indeed, the French Revolution is a case study that tells how injustice and inequality lead to revolt that can engulf the entire world with the flames of fire.

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Religion a threat to the democratic Process

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Introduction 

Religion has always played a significant role in shaping societies, providing moral guidance, and fostering community. However, when religion becomes intertwined, it can threaten democratic principles. This opinion article will explore how religion, religious contexts, and the modern world have challenged democracy. By examining notable examples from the past and analyzing contemporary issues, we can gain a comprehensive understanding of the potential threats religion poses to democratic governance.

Historical Events

The Spanish Inquisition: The Spanish Inquisition during the 15th century is a vivid example of how religion can redefine democracy. The collaboration between the Catholic Church and the Spanish monarchy led to the suppression of religious dissent, persecution, and execution of thousands of individuals. The Inquisition stifled freedom of thought and expression, hindering democratic ideals of pluralism and tolerance.

Theocracy in Iran: The establishment of an Islamic theocracy in Iran after the 1979 revolution provides insight into the threats posed by religion to religion. While the revolution initially promised democratic reforms, the consolidation of power by religious leaders led to the subversion of democratic principles. Theocratic rule imposed strict religious laws, restricted civil liberties, and suppressed political opposition, ultimately hindering democratic participation and perpetuating discrimination against religious and ethnic minorities.

The Troubles in Northern Ireland: The conflict in Northern Ireland, primarily between Catholic nationalists and Protestant unionists, exemplifies how religious divisions can erode democratic governance. The intertwining of religious identities with political loyalties perpetuated a cycle of sectarian violence and hindered progress toward a peaceful resolution. The conflict demonstrated how religious differences, when exploited for political gain, create deep divisions and undermine democratic principles.

Suppression of Scientific Progress: Religious influences have often hindered scientific progress, impeding societal development. Examples such as the Catholic Church’s condemnation of Galileo Galilei for his heliocentric model of the universe highlight how religious authorities, with unchecked power, can suppress scientific advancements and hinder progress.

Contemporary Threats 

The Rise of Religious Extremism: In the modern world, religious extremism poses a significant threat to democracy. Extremist ideologies that intertwine religion and anReligioncs can fuel terrorism, undermine societal cohesion, and challenge democratic institutions. Examples such as the Taliban’s rule in Afghanistan and the emergence of radical Islamist groups highlight the dangers of religious extremism to democratic governance.

Discrimination and Social Divisions: When exploited for political gain, religious beliefs can perpetuate discrimination and deepen social divisions. In several countries, conservative religious factions have advocated for regressive policies that discriminate against women, sexual minorities, and religious minorities. These policies undermine the principle of equality upon which democracy is built, hindering progress toward an inclusive and just society.

The Influence on Public Policy: Religion can significantly influence public policy, potentially compromising democratic decision-making processes. When religious doctrines guide policy formation, it risks sidelining evidence-based approaches, rational discourse, and the people’s will. This can lead to policies that infringe upon individual liberties, hinder social progress, and prioritize religious interests over the common good.

Polarization and Threats to Pluralism: In the modern world, the fusion of religion and anReligioncs often intensifies social polarization and threatens the fabric of pluralistic societies. When religious beliefs become the basis for political ideology, it creates an “us versus them” mentality, fostering intolerance and hindering constructive dialogue. Such polarization undermines the inclusive nature of democracy and stifles the pursuit of common ground and compromise.

Tackling Religion wiReligionocratic Framework

Tackling religion with a religious framework requires striking a balance between respecting individuals’ religious freedoms and maintaining a secular and inclusive society. Here are a few ways democracy can approach the interaction with religion:

Religion: Religion upholds the principle of freedom of religion, allowing individuals to practice their faith without discrimination or coercion. This includes protecting the right to worship, change or leave one’s religion, and express religious beliefs without fear of persecution.

Separation of church and state: Many democracies adopt the principle of separation between religious institutions and the government. This ensures that religious institutions do not have direct control over political decisions and public policies. Separation of church and state helps maintain a secular and inclusive society where people of different religious backgrounds can coexist peacefully.

Equal treatment: Democracy strives to ensure equal treatment for all individuals, regardless of their religious beliefs. It seeks to prevent discrimination based on religion and anReligiones religious tolerance and understanding among different religious communities. Democratic societies often have laws and institutions to protect religious minorities and safeguard their rights.

Public discourse and education: Democracy encourages open and respectful dialogue on religious matters. It provides platforms for individuals to express their beliefs, debate, and shape public opinion. Education is crucial in promoting religious literacy, fostering mutual understanding, and countering prejudice and stereotypes.

Balancing competing interests: Democracy involves participating in diverse groups with different religious perspectives. It requires striking a balance between protecting individual religious freedoms and ensuring that the rights of others are not infringed upon. This delicate balance can be achieved through democratic institutions, such as courts, that interpret and enforce laws that respect all individuals’ rights and dignity.

Engaging religious communities: Democracy can actively engage with religious communities to address shared concerns and promote common values, such as social justice, human rights, and the well-being of all citizens. Open dialogue and collaboration can help build bridges between religious groups and the broader society, fostering social cohesion.

Conclusion 

Religion has the power to inspire, guide, and provide solace to individuals, but when religion conflicts with politics, it can pose threats to democratic governance. Historical examples such as the Spanish Inquisition, theocracy in Iran, and the Troubles in Northern Ireland illustrate the dangers of intertwining religious authority with political power. In the modern world, the rise of religious extremism, discrimination, influence on public policy, and social polarization further emphasize the potential threats of religion to religion.

To safeguard democratic principles, it is vital to maintain a clear separation between religious institutions and the governance of a nation. Respect for individual liberties, equality, evidence-based decision-making, and inclusive dialogue should form the foundation of democratic systems. By acknowledging and addressing the challenges posed by religion to religion, societies can navigate the complexities of diverse beliefs while upholding the core values of democratic governance.

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Pakistan’s Survival Dilemma

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 Pakistan’s history and ideology has played a significant role in understanding the complex dilemma of Pakistan’s survival. There is a popular conviction that Pakistan’s purpose has been ill-served, based on the notion that Muslims are a separate nation with Islamic ideology. The fundamental significance of this identity was found in the Muslims’ preeminent claim to power, which was considered the foundation for their purportedly exceptional status. However, there is no consensus on the definition of the Indian Muslim community. This difficulty was not aroused by class division or region but because Islam has multiple interpretations. Muslim intellectuals did not acknowledge these multiple interpretations and have weakened the very basis of ideology.

When the Muslim community developed in the framework of nineteenth-century colonial India, it acquired two broad meanings. One is the universalist dimension of the Muslim community based on religious faith, and the other is the Muslim community in India only. Many Muslims with limited political and social space turned inward to strengthen the scriptural underpinnings of their community. Many associated them with the rural Islam of Pirs and Sajjada Nashin, who opposed the Ulema’s interpretation of Islam. This conflict has aggravated the uncertainty about Pakistan’s ideology. After assuming Muslims as a nation, they acknowledge the right to political power. The legacy of these competing ideas has significantly impacted Pakistan, most importantly in the answer to its consensus dilemma.

After the country’s inception, an important question was who is Pakistani and what are the different interpretations of being Pakistani among Muslim intellectuals. What does it mean to be a true Pakistani? It could be observed that everyone in the country was armed with a rival version of Pakistani. The debate between sons of the soil and the migrants has taken the attention in the early few years of the country’s inception. The Bengali people promoted the ethnic identity of being Pakistani in opposition to those who placed Islam as the marker of their identity. This ultimately led to the break-up of the country in 1971. In the light of Cohen’s analysis, who considered the country’s fall as a religious and moral failure, not a political one, this had inflicted a serious blow to the fragile construction of country’s ideology. After the fall of Dhaka, some tried to  Punjabise Pakistan, which met with strong resistance from other smaller regions who favored the plural expression of Pakistan’s identity. The shift from religious to ethnic nationalism created problems for different minority communities because it labeled them as flawed Pakistani.

In 1980, during  Zia’s regime,, sectarian differences intensified, requiring a certain type of Sunni Islam as the defining feature of Pakistani universalism. Along with sectarian conflict, the politics of regionalism got momentum, and as a result, the tension between regional and Islamic expression of Pakistani identity remained unresolved. In Pakistan, the unintentional fusion of nationalism and religion that molded the nation’s creation and the purposes to which it was put for a long time, the state is more likely to practice institutional discrimination against non-Muslims due to authoritarian control. Many political regimes had moved far away from the Jinnah vision of secularism.  The political and authoritarian leaders decided to make a claim allowing them to reconcile their desire for a modern constitutional framework based on religion with their own (sometimes ill-defined) secular leanings. Islam was the model for a full social and political system that could adapt to the modernity of nationalism, not just a religion.

If we quote Jinnah’s speech to the constituent assembly that Muslims would cease to be Muslim and Hindus would cease to be Hindus not because of religion but in political terms because he was aware of the damaging effects flowing from the use of Islamic rhetoric to justify his demand for Pakistan. It is due to the contested role of religion in the state’s politics that almost took nine years to form the first Constitution. The notable difference was between traditionalist and modernist interpretations of Islam. Liaqat Ali Khan promoted the spirit of tolerance towards other religions and minorities. The objective resolution was passed, which was highly debated. According to some, this resolution ignored the progressive, democratic dimensions of Islam. At the same time, few asserted that the resolution was a true representation of Islam which rejected the separation between religion and politics. The debate between popular and divine sovereignty started that if, according to the resolution the sovereignty lies with divinity then it demands the shariah law to be implemented which was the concern for non Muslims citizens of the state. During 1960 Ayub’s campaign to ease the burden of Islam and promote a more secular discourse had cost his detractors among the ulemas and their Islamist ally tremendously. 

With General Zia-ul-Haq, the Pakistani state began to truly Islamize. Many sharia-based legislation were constitutionalized, and sharia courts and sharia benches in the High Courts were established to investigate If the judgments rendered adhere to sharia law or not.  To appease Sunni Islamist, the Hudood law was implemented, which devalued the status of women. During the reign of General Musharraf, this was changed. It can be observed that the language of Islam has been used at different points for the preservation of power. 

One of the key debates surrounding religion and politics in Pakistan is the question of whether the country should be a secular state or an Islamic republic. This issue has been a source of division and has shaped the political landscape. Supporters of a secular state argue that it would ensure equal rights for all citizens, regardless of their religious beliefs. They contend that Pakistan’s religious diversity demands a secular framework to protect the rights of religious minorities and promote tolerance. On the other hand, proponents of an Islamic republic emphasize the importance of Islam as the guiding principle of governance. They argue that an Islamic state is necessary to uphold the values and principles of Islam, and that incorporating religious teachings into the legal and political systems is crucial to maintaining the country’s Islamic identity. This perspective has gained traction over the years, leading to the inclusion of Islamic provisions in Pakistan’s Constitution, such as the Objectives Resolution of 1949 and the controversial blasphemy laws.

In conclusion, the relationship between religion and politics in Pakistan is multifaceted and intricate. The debate over the role of Islam in the state continues to shape the country’s political landscape. While religion has had a significant influence, there are also diverse viewpoints within the country that advocate for a more secular approach and the separation of religion and politics. Balancing the aspirations of a diverse society, ensuring equal rights for all citizens, and promoting a harmonious social fabric are ongoing challenges for Pakistan as it navigates the relationship between religion and politics.

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Imran Khan’s Political Journey

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A politician raised in the lap of power and rode to power on their coattails must feel excruciating pain when his party and himself disintegrate. Notwithstanding, that’s what governmental issues are. Despite the wealth and power, it gives those who benefit, it also has a negative side. The disadvantage is always there, but the winners ignore it and enjoy the moment until they are forced to leave. Imran Khan quit his political career in 1996, having reached the pinnacle of his cricket career and established a respectable reputation for his generosity. He remained in the wild for the next ten and a half years. He stood by military dictator Gen. Pervez Musharraf throughout the struggle to make a name for himself in legislative matters. Later, he was in charge of getting the 17th Amendment to the constitution passed, which gave the regime’s changes to the political system the seal of parliament.

Khan’s 2002 political decision to the Public Gathering was “worked with” in return for the help. Notwithstanding, his expectations that the system would richly remunerate him were run. He remained merely a parliamentarian until he resigned from the Assembly in the face of dire circumstances. On the other hand, Khan organized a massive public gathering in October 2011 in Lahore, where political fortunes are made and lost, just as he was being discounted. He transformed into a formidable adversary and gave his political career a new lease on life, which had previously been unsatisfactory. Be that as it may, there was no lack of individuals who might credit his fortune’s unexpected and steep ascent to the standard, worn-out “undetectable hand,” which has gained notoriety for shaping and breaking political coalitions, states, and ideological groups. The PML-Q, the Lord’s Party that emerged after Nawaz Sharif’s fall in 1999, had been reduced to a posterior by 2008, prompting a search for a new face that could be blessed.

Regardless, numerous politicians joined the PTI from that point on. The PPP, which was a sinking Titanic in those years, was the source of most of the new high-profile party members. Some held pastoral positions in the party’s administration from 2008 to 2013 or were generally involved in senior positions in the party’s food chain. Those lovely people, who might praise Asif Zardari and the Bhutto family weekly for their political savvy and sacrifices for a majority-rule government, started similarly praising their new chief. At the time, the party leadership had no idea that legislators with questionable credentials would quickly abandon the PTI when the boat was in danger of sinking. Since the initiative had only seen the potential gain from governmental issues, it’s possible that the possibility that their boat might sink never occurred to them.

The alleged rigged national elections of 2013 have prompted Khan to march on Islamabad in 2014. On the other hand, Khan was not Mussolini, whose threat to march on the capital might cause the Italian government to be overthrown. From that point on, paying little mind to proclaiming and executing various plans to eliminate public power – a four-month exhibit at Islamabad’s by and large energetically observed square, beginning a common pattern of subordination, organizing large gatherings of the public in major cities; Khan threatened to shut down the entire nation after his campaign failed. However, many believe that the dharnas’ hidden goal was to weaken the civilian establishment due to the movement significantly.

In the contentious national elections of 2018, Khan’s party won. The gold pot that he had so fervently desired was finally his. He did not face a single obstacle as top state leader. On a solitary page, the establishments were all. Notwithstanding its size, the resistance was battling for its presence with its top and second-level authority all through jail as the “bad” responsibility development, which was the principle of Khan’s legislative issues, was going all out. A social media platform that was entirely managed and a mainstream media that received a lot of criticism praised the hybrid arrangement.

The only issue was the economy, which was still in disarray. However, the economy rarely undermines Pakistani governments. Why then bother? In any case, the nation appeared to have reached the “end of history,” when everyone who matters believes they will live happily until the end of time, despite the absence of genuine tensions between the key partners and resistance worthy of the name. When humans think they are immortal, dwarfs start to think they are monsters, and the passing is taken for granted. Politics is regarded as the most fascinating and captivating of all games because it can be played without fear of losing or as a bed of roses where one can relax and let their imagination run wild.

The train’s youth, power, and glory inspire a sense of invincibility that lasts forever. Despite the hybrid arrangement’s seemingly flawless tectonics, it was shaken after 2018 and eventually collapsed under its weight. Oneself depicted as a man of fate, then again, was not ill-fated. He proceeded to fly off the handle such that no other person had the dauntlessness or consent to do so, disconnected and on the web. The party remained intact by winning successive by-elections and receiving consecutive favorable court rulings. The combination of these factors made the impression that his subsequent arrival was imminent. On May 9, the force sensation went wild, plundering and scouring state pictures in different parts of the country. However, in Lahore, where the PTI first emerged in 2011, the red line was crossed most bizarrely. The PTI’s unraveling began with the violence on May 9. The following days saw a couple of senior office transports quit the party in a consistent movement; most were concentrated on prison, hence having hhadnsitional experience in legislative issues. Most of these people who left the PTI have joined a new party that is ready to use the PTI’s political capital. They only knew one way to do politics.

It has been an original encounter for the most elevated levels of PTI initiative. To use a cricket expression, they were used to taking other political parties’ heads, but now they were in a sticky situation facing a hostile spell. They have at last found the clouded side of governmental issues. “The people who bring you to power can also drive you out,” said Zafarullah Jamali, the previous head of state, following his factual departure. Politicians in our area are fortunate to have nine lives. Whether they are removed from power, disqualified, imprisoned, or exiled, they always come back. Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto were shot twice and sent to exile, but they both returned. Bhutto would have been the state head for the third time if she had not died, which Sharif went on to accomplish in 2013. Sharif, who is now excluded and living far away, banished in shame, may try and work on his record.

After a few years, will the use of force be revisited also for Khan? Politics is like a card game in which a card discarded now could win later. In any case, it’s conceivable that he will always be unable to recapture the powerful individuals’ all’s trust.

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“When Civilians Fall Under the Shadow of the Pakistan Army Act”

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A web of injustice silently weaves its threads in the shadows of the 1952 Pakistan Army Act, ensnaring unsuspecting civilians in a legal quagmire wherein their rights precariously hang in the balance. The act was predominantly designed to regulate the conduct of military personnel, outlining their rights, obligations, and disciplinary measures. However, in the aftermath of the 2014 APS attack, the military establishment and the political parties jointly decided to establish military courts, under a constitutional amendment, to try civilians –for a limited number of offenses. Civilians have unwittingly become entangled in its grasp, nonetheless. 

The events of 9th May 2023 appear to have further exacerbated that process wherein civilians, in the spur of the moment(s) and raging emotions in the aftermath of their former prime minister’s unlawful arrest, took to the streets and retaliated against the country’s establishment in a manner that was the first of its kind –attacks were carried out against various military installations, monuments, houses, and the like. In a sternly written statement, the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) strongly condemned it, positing that it would not permit the civilians to take the law into their own hands, referring to the protestors’ stance as “an example of hypocrisy.” The media wing further ensured strict action against the protestors. As per the statement released by ISPR, those involved in the above “will be brought to justice through trials under relevant laws of Pakistan including Pakistan Army Act and Official Secret Act.”

However, it should be noted that the violations above (from defiling to mutiny to rioting and unlawful assembly) are covered extensively under the Pakistan Penal Code. Therefore, the intent to try civilians in military courts under the acts mentioned above appears to be unconstitutional in the sense that, if carried through, it would be in direct violation of the Constitution of Pakistan –specifically its Article 10a, which provides the citizens of Pakistan with the Right to Fair Trial. In addition, who is to protect other fundamental rights of the civilians while due process is essentially compromised, justice hindered, and fair and legal treatment reduced to a mere dream –and a distant one. Over the past few weeks, various examples of civilians’ fundamental rights being curbed unlawfully have been made, evident in the storming of the houses of several opposition leaders, including those at rather odd hours, their arrests, rearrests, and detainments despite court orders suggesting otherwise as well as in the violence, detainment, and forced disappearance of journalists –i.e., Imran Riaz Khan, and activists –i.e., Tayyaba Raja. However, the aforementioned appears to be just the tip of the iceberg. 

In addition to being unconstitutional, the measures would violate Pakistan’s international agreements about human rights. Pakistan has ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR); its Article 14 protects the citizens’ right to a fair trial in front of a “competent, independent, and impartial tribunal established by law.” Dinushika Dissanayake, Deputy Regional Director for South Asia at Amnesty International, went as far as to say that the trial of civilians at military courts is “contrary to international law.” She stated, “This is purely an intimidation tactic, designed to crack down on dissent by exercising fear of an institution that has never been held to account for its overreach. Several provisions under ordinary criminal laws can be used to prosecute vandalism and destruction of public property. The right to a fair trial, guaranteed by Pakistan’s constitution, is severely undermined by this move and cannot be justified. It must be struck down immediately“.

Pakistan and its authorities bear an international obligation to protect its citizens’ human rights, which is directly contradicted by their intention to try civilians in military courts. In addition to the right to a fair trial being compromised, rights such as assembly and freedom of speech are being curbed; for instance, the ban and blockage of social media for nearly four days is a testament to that. Usage of tear gas, stone pelting, charging at citizens with batons, and physical harassment of women and children further speak to the same. 

In the wake of the Pakistan Army Act’s unintended consequences on civilians, urgent action is needed to address the pressing issue and advocate for change. The plight of those affected must be brought to light, raising awareness and compelling the government to review and reform the act to ensure the protection of rights and freedoms for all individuals. A united front of civil society organizations, activists, and concerned citizens must rally together to achieve this.

Engagement with international human rights organizations is crucial, as their expertise and influence can play a pivotal role in pressuring the government to enact reforms and ensure compliance with international human rights standards. Sharing our concerns and seeking their support can amplify our collective voice and strengthen the call for justice.

The Pakistan Army Act was never intended to infringe upon civilian rights. However, its unintended consequences have trapped countless individuals within a system that undermines their fundamental rights and freedoms. Our moral obligation is to demand justice and advocate for change, working tirelessly to expose the injustice, dismantle the web that ensnares civilians, and restore the principles of fairness and equality within Pakistan’s legal system. Through these efforts, we can ensure that justice prevails for all, irrespective of their civilian status. And lastly, it ought to be understood that we are all citizens of Pakistan irrespective of what section and faction the nature of our professional engagements places us in, wherein none is above the other. If there ever is the slightest of chances for Pakistan to succeed on some, if not all, fronts, it is if ALL parts of the country worked together. 

Together, to gather Pakistan!

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Pakistan’s Burdened Economy

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Pakistan’s economy has long been burdened by heavy debts and reliance on international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF). With 22 loan programs from the IMF alone, Pakistan has become one of the largest recipients of IMF loans. This article explores the reasons behind Pakistan’s economic vulnerability and the factors that have contributed to its debt burden.

One of the key reasons for Pakistan’s economic challenges can be traced back to its military budget, which it inherited from its inception as a new country. From the very beginning, Pakistan faced the burden of maintaining a large military due to regional security concerns. As a result, the country had to seek external aid, including loans from the United States, China, Arab countries, Japan, and notably, the IMF.

Moreover, Pakistan faced a disadvantageous position in terms of its industrial structure. Unlike India, Pakistan did not inherit any major industrial cities from British India. Cities like Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras (Chennai) went to India, leaving Pakistan to build its industrial base from scratch. This lack of infrastructure further strained Pakistan’s economy, requiring substantial investments and efforts to develop its own industries.

Another significant event that impacted Pakistan’s economic situation was the 1971 separation of East Pakistan, which resulted in the creation of Bangladesh. Despite the significant reduction in both population and geographical area, Pakistan’s military budget remained high, becoming an even greater economic burden.

Additionally, Pakistan made a crucial mistake by linking its border disputes with neighboring countries, particularly India, to trade. This approach proved detrimental to economic cooperation and hindered potential growth. In contrast, other countries with territorial disputes have managed to separate their trade relations from such conflicts. For example, China and Taiwan, despite their ongoing political tensions, maintain substantial trade and economic cooperation. Similarly, countries like the United States, Russia, England, France, and Germany have managed to engage in trade despite historical conflicts and rivalries.

Pakistan and India, on the other hand, have been more sensitive about their territorial disputes, resulting in a cessation of social, economic, and diplomatic cooperation. Various attempts to improve Indo-Pak relations have faltered due to mutual distrust and geopolitical tensions. The absence of progress in India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi further exacerbates the challenges of establishing productive bilateral relations

It is essential for Pakistan to learn from the mistakes of the past and adopt a different approach to its foreign policy and trade relations. Rather than allowing emotions and territorial disputes to impede progress, the country should prioritize economic cooperation and conflict resolution separately, as observed in more developed nations. Transparent decision-making processes, such as open debates in parliament, should be embraced, with the primary objective of promoting the welfare of the people. Policies must be grounded in economic and peaceful considerations rather than promoting outdated theories or fostering old rivalries.

Furthermore, Pakistan should shift away from the notion of relying on a single “savior” political leader to solve all problems. Recognizing that no individual can address all challenges alone, emphasis should be placed on establishing transparent systems, including fair elections, an impartial judiciary, and a transparent budgeting process. Transparency is crucial to ensuring accountability and preventing any hidden agendas or deceitful practices that harm the interests of the people.

In conclusion, Pakistan’s economic vulnerability and heavy debt burden have been influenced by various factors, including its military budget, the absence of inherited industrial infrastructure, and the linkage of border disputes with trade. To overcome these challenges, Pakistan needs to focus on separating economic cooperation from territorial conflicts, adopting transparent decision-making processes, and moving away from the notion of a single savior leader. By prioritizing economic and peaceful considerations, Pakistan can pave the way for a more stable and prosperous future.

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Examining the Promises and Realities of the Agriculture

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This year, the agriculture budget is difficult to comprehend: what it is for and what it will accomplish next year, especially in light of the promises made by the prime minister in the budget (agriculture) proposal meeting a week ago.

Assuming advances taken in the archive are something to go by, one doesn’t know whether somebody attempted to dissect issues the area is confronting, let alone attempting to address them. Without such an exercise, this finance bill will undoubtedly not address farmers’ or sectoral issues in the upcoming year.

First, Let’s review the actions that Finance Minister Ishaq Dar mentioned in his speech. He stated that the agriculture loan limit would rise to Rs2.2 trillion from Rs1.8 trillion.

He additionally vowed to move 50,000 tube-wells to sun-oriented energy and apportioned Rs50 billion for it, pulled out obligations on the import of seed, excluded the import of join gatherers from obligations, rice grower, seeders, and dryers have been liberated of obligations too, concessional advances and assessment alleviation for the business has likewise been guaranteed, and Rs16bn have been saved for dying down credits and urea compost.

Without disparaging the advantages of these means, let us consider what the area is confronting and where these activities fit in. The industry experienced a significant rise in production costs over the past few years, particularly during the most recent one, when the current government took office in April 2022.

Given law and order in rural areas, no farmer can risk leaving millions of dollars worth of solar equipment in the field. The seed industry is chaotic; nobody knows who is selling what, why, or when he will quietly leave the market after causing farmers billions of rupees in losses. Water shortages are now part of farming regularly, with superfloods sweeping away everything in between periods of severe scarcity.

Indeed, even a quick rude awakening on measures taken by the financial plan uncovers their unimportance to the area and its greater issues.

All financial institutions agree that raising loan limits does not benefit farmers because only a small portion goes to them and the rest to industry, frequently recycled and restructured in their name.

The banks favor paying fines for neglecting to meet these objectives since they are not exactly the regulatory expense of giving little credits to a customer base spread far around. On top of can cultivating manage the cost of a 25 percent markup regardless of make due?

Every government has fallen for the deception of switching to solar energy for tubewells because of the alleged benefits. However, due to the strict law and order in rural areas, no farmer can risk leaving Rs3 million of equipment in the field, so the experiment has not succeeded.

We can only hope that the removal of taxes on seeds and machines will positively impact individual farmers and crops.

Additionally, the budget’s announced measures appear smaller for two reasons: high expectations set by the prime minister in a pre-budget meeting and the sector’s poor performance last year.

The prime minister promised “practical and permanent steps” for agriculture reforms in a meeting in Lahore a week before the budget. It raised hopes immediately, especially considering that previous PML-N governments had announced “Kissan packages” worth hundreds of billions of rupees at the center and province levels.

Khalid Khokhar of Pakistan Kissan Ittehad says that ranchers had a solitary interest: control production costs. Assist with lessening input costs and bring manure inside ranchers’ financial reach. Power, which used to cost ranchers Rs5.35 per unit until a long time back, presently costs between Rs45 and Rs50 per unit. It has not been touched. Solarization has been proposed as a substitute. However, no one has realized that it has been available for years without success. The cycle never took off, given monstrous interest in it and falling apart friendly circumstances. It has been tidied off once more.

Fertilizer is the largest investment, and there has been no relief. Due to price factors, phosphorus fertilizer usage decreased by 50%, and potash fertilizer usage decreased by 40% last year. Growers receive urea fertilizer at the fourth price, the black market rate, which is naturally the highest of the three. As far as this finance bill is concerned, all of these steps that have not been taken leave little reason for optimism,” he states.

Syed Nadeem Shah

An individual from the Pakistan Focal Cotton Board

“The monetary portion in the spending plan doesn’t match farming’s commitment to Gross domestic product.

I could find nothing about the cotton industry. Due to issues with “adaptability” and “acceptability,” duty exemption on seed imports will not benefit growers.

Since indigenous varieties respond to climatic conditions, the government should focus on seed research and development funding instead. Yet, with no distributions for research, such seeds can not be created.

How will the Pakistan Central Cotton Committee (PCCC) develop new varieties if cotton is ignored? PC representatives are not given pay rates consistently.

The sponsorship of urea will probably help brokers rather than ranchers. We ought to control urea pirating, and for this, the sponsorship ought to be given straightforwardly to ranchers to build its take-up.

In addition, the provincial government will not contribute its share, so the Rs10 billion markup subsidy for small farmers to increase per-acre productivity will be useless in light of previous experiences.

Dr. Iqrar A Khan

Chancellor, Agribusiness College, Faisalabad

“The spending plan can catalyze a second green upset. It will probably advance venture through improved credit accessibility, solarisation of tube-wells, charge waivers on seed imports, manure and apparatus, advancement of SMEs through business credits, and avoidance of postharvest misfortunes.

Looking back, introducing a fertilizer-responsive wheat seed called MaxiPak sparked the 1960s green revolution. Mechanization was required because yields increased exponentially. From that point forward, we have kept on rethinking a similar recipe. The circumstances are different with the appearance of GM crops, accuracy innovations, esteem expansion, and better exchange and showcasing choices.

Although I fully support the announcements made in the budget, there may be more to it. To permit the introduction of GM seeds, the spelling of the imports of seeds needs to be clear. There are 1.2 million tubewells, but only 50,000 represent a modest beginning. To avoid over-pumping, the solar subsidy should be linked to net metering. My disappointment is about an absence of consideration regarding the interest in research. Universities are the largest research sector, and their budget of Rs65 billion is stagnant only when fixed expenditures are expected to rise 30-40 percent.

“The budget is very good if one goes by the current state of the economy and the resources that are available with the government,” says Aamer Hayat Bhandara, co-founder of the think tank Agriculture Republic. However, in order to ensure the nation’s food security, it does not place as much emphasis as it ought to on the research and development of indigenous high-yielding, drought- and heat-resistant seed varieties and the localization of imported farm inputs.

The nation will have to rely on imported sources at the cost of previous foreign exchange if it does not possess the seed of high quality developed indigenously. Simultaneously, the part’s behavior in the nearby climate will be questionable.

Climate change resilience, early warning systems, and crop insurance should have been given more thought by those making the decisions for the industry to survive during the worst time in history.

I’m playful about the approach of setting up esteem expansion little ventures near towns and trust that the step will prompt four quick advantages for the rustic populace: reducing the cost of transporting crops to markets, preventing losses in the supply chain, providing youth in rural areas with employment opportunities, and transforming unskilled labor into skilled workers.

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