The replacement of the Kiswa, following the tradition of Prophet Muhammad and his companions, takes place on the ninth day of the month of Dhul Hijjah. Historical accounts state that after the conquest of Makkah in the ninth year of the Hijri calendar, the Prophet covered the Kaaba with Yemeni clothing during his farewell pilgrimage. The Kiswa is replaced annually during the Hajj pilgrimage, specifically after the pilgrims visit Mount Arafat, in preparation for the arrival of worshippers the following morning, coinciding with Eid Al-Adha.

Throughout history, the colors of the Kaaba’s coverings have undergone regular changes. The Prophet Muhammad covered it with white and red-striped Yemeni cloth, while Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq, Umar ibn Al-Khattab, and Uthman ibn Affan covered it with white cloth. Ibn Al-Zubayer, on the other hand, covered it with red brocade. During the Abbasid era, the Kiswa was draped in white and red alternately, and later during the reign of the Seljuk Sultan, it was covered in yellow brocade. The Abbasid Caliph Al-Nassir then changed the Kiswa’s color to green and later to black brocade, which remains its color to this day.

Dr. Fawaz Al-Dahas, director of the Center of Makkah History, explained that the choice of color for the Kiswa in each era was influenced by the available financial resources. He further noted that white was initially chosen for its brightness but proved to be less durable, often becoming torn, dirty, and impure due to frequent contact by pilgrims. Consequently, it was replaced by black-and-white brocade and shimla, which were practical and long-lasting materials used to cover Arab tents.

The type of fabric used for the Kiswa of the Kaaba was primarily determined by the financial means of the respective era. As the perception of the Kiswa evolved over time, it was replaced with red brocade and qubati Egyptian cloth, sometimes supplemented with a rug of leather (antaa) or a collection of rough clothes (musouh). The Kiswa was changed whenever new fabric became available, a practice observed during the Rashidun Caliphate, the Umayyads, and the Abbasids.

The selection of black as the final color for the Kiswa occurred during the end of the Abbasid era due to its durability and ability to withstand contact from visitors, pilgrims, and people of diverse cultures from around the world. To protect the Kiswa from touch, it is elevated to the middle of the Kaaba during the Umrah season.

Historical records mention Tubbaa Al-Humairi, the king of Yemen in pre-Islamic times, as the first person known to have covered the Kaaba. Accounts indicate that he initially covered it with a thick cloth called khasf, followed by Maafir cloth named after an ancient Yemeni city, and then with rabitah, a soft and thin one-piece cloth. The Kaaba was later covered with wasael, a red-striped Yemeni cloth.

Successors of Al-Humairi utilized leather and qubati coverings, among others, during the pre-Islamic era, considering it a religious duty and a great honor. It is mentioned in some accounts that the Kiswa was layered on the Kaaba during that time, and when it became heavy or worn out, it was either removed or divided.

Islamic history confirms that Prophet Muhammad was the first to cover the Kaaba with qubati, a thin white cloth from Egypt, named after the Copts. After the conquest of Makkah, the Prophet retained the old Kiswa used during the era of the polytheists until a woman accidentally burned it while trying to scent it with incense, at which point it was replaced with a Yemeni cloth.

During the Saudi era, significant attention has been given to the Kiswa. The Islamic state in Egypt continuously sent the Kiswa for centuries. King Abdul Aziz, the founder of Saudi Arabia, established a dedicated house for manufacturing the Kiswa in Makkah’s Ajyad neighborhood, close to the Grand Mosque. It became the first weaving facility for the Kiswa in the Hijaz region, serving from the pre-Islamic era to the present.

King Salman issued a royal decree to rename the Kaaba Kiswa factory as the King Abdul Aziz Complex for the Kaaba’s Kiswa. The complex consists of various sections, including the desalination department responsible for ensuring water purity for silk quality and the desalination of groundwater used for washing and dyeing silk.

The dyeing process involves removing the waxy layer from the silk threads before dyeing them black and green using specific chemicals and proportions for color stability. The cotton lining of the Kiswa is also washed, and 670 kg of natural silk is required for each Kiswa.

Tests are conducted on silk, cotton, and silver-coated threads to ensure they meet the required standards for strength, resistance to erosion and climatic conditions, and high quality. The complex is equipped with advanced Jacquard machines for textile manufacturing, which weave Qur’anic verses, produce engraved black silk with verses and prayers, and plain silk for printing verses, silver-thread, and gold-plated embroidery. These machines employ 9,986 threads per meter to expedite Kiswa production.

The printing department is responsible for printing Qur’anic verses and Islamic motifs on the Kaaba’s belt. They also prepare the Manasij, wooden sides with white raw fabric in between, onto which the plain silk is placed for printing the belt. The embroidery of gold, silver, and motifs is carried out by placing cotton threads of different densities over the printed motifs on the black fabric. Technicians use silver wire coated with gold to create fillings and domes with necessary stitches.

Various pieces are produced for the Kaaba’s belt, corners, lamps, and the outside curtain of the Kaaba’s door, with Qur’anic verses and embroidery. The lower part of the Kiswa is lifted three meters to preserve its cleanliness and integrity and to prevent tampering, as cutting parts from the Kaaba’s black cloth by some pilgrims has been observed.”

Pakistan has a huge potential for growth and development due to its growing young population. The youth, who are classified as people between the ages of 15 and 29, make up a sizable portion of the population. Acknowledging their function as change agents and using their ability to influence Pakistan’s destiny is critical. This essay examines the value of empowering and involving young people while also examining how they might advance the country.

“The voice of young people matters. They are the ones who will inherit the consequences of our decisions, and it is our responsibility to ensure they have a say in shaping those decisions.” – Shireen Mazari, Federal Minister for Human Rights, Pakistan.

The youth of Pakistan is an energetic and dynamic force filled with enthusiasm, vitality, and original ideas. Through technology and social media, they are more linked than ever and have a distinct viewpoint. This generation is more well-educated, conscious of global challenges, and motivated to change the world. We can create a better future by spotting and developing their potential.

Youth must receive top-notch education and training to realize their potential fully. Education spending is an investment in the future of the country. We can provide young people with the tools they need to succeed by improving the accessibility and standard of education. The educational system must be improved, teachers must be qualified, and the curriculum must be updated to match contemporary demands. They can also improve their skills and promote innovation through mentorship opportunities, entrepreneurship programs, and vocational training schemes. Quality education must not be limited to urban areas but should be made accessible in rural and marginalized communities. Special attention should be given to girls’ education, as empowered young women can contribute significantly to the country’s progress.

Meaningful youth participation means including young people in decision-making processes at all levels and goes beyond token representation. This can be accomplished by creating forums for youth involvement in government, policy formation, and community efforts. To ensure that their views are heard and their efforts are acknowledged, encouraging active participation and valuing their thoughts helps instill a feeling of ownership and responsibility. There should be more youth representation in political institutions like local governments and legislative bodies. This can be accomplished by designating seats for young legislators or giving youth-led political parties and organizations a forum. Additionally, steps should be made to entice young people to participate in community-based projects, advocacy groups, and civil society organizations. We can create a more inclusive and representative society by developing their leadership abilities and giving them the freedom to participate in decision-making.

“Young people are not just the leaders of tomorrow; they have the power to lead today. Their fresh perspectives, passion, and innovative ideas are crucial for shaping a better future.” – Malala Yousafzai, Nobel Peace Prize laureate and activist.

Youth involvement is not just confined to politics; it also includes social and civic engagement. Youth can develop a feeling of social responsibility through participating in volunteer work, community service, and advocacy campaigns. They can help create a more just and sustainable society by addressing social concerns, including poverty, gender inequality, and environmental problems. Initiatives to raise awareness and encourage young people to participate in social concerns actively should be taken to encourage social engagement. In planning and executing these activities, non-governmental organizations, community centers, and educational institutions can be extremely helpful. We can promote empathy, compassion, and responsibility in young people by encouraging them to recognize and address social challenges in their communities. This will result in constructive social change.

Pakistan’s youth’s entrepreneurial zeal and creative thinking can spur economic expansion and job development. Their potential can be unlocked by promoting entrepreneurship through access to funding, incubators, and mentorship programs. We can encourage innovation, economic diversification, and prosperity by assisting their commercial endeavors and creating a supportive environment. Young entrepreneurs should be given financial incentives, and regulatory burdens should be reduced through the development of government programs. For potential young entrepreneurs, obtaining finance continues to be a major obstacle. The government may solve this by creating specialized funds and credit programs to satisfy young entrepreneurs’ needs. Additionally, simplifying bureaucratic procedures and cutting red tape can improve the atmosphere for startups and small enterprises to prosper.

Innovation hubs and incubation facilities should be built across the nation to offer young entrepreneurs the essential tools, mentorship, and networking opportunities. These facilities can act as venues for teamwork, idea sharing, and skill building. We can foster an environment conducive to young talent flourishing and making an economic contribution by encouraging an innovation and entrepreneurial culture. For Pakistani youth, digital entrepreneurship offers enormous possibilities in addition to traditional business ventures. For young business people, the growth of e-commerce, digital marketing, and technology-based companies opens up new opportunities. We can provide the kids with the skills they need to thrive in the digital economy by offering training programs and materials tailored to the digital sphere.

In a nutshell, The future of Pakistan can be greatly influenced by the country’s youth. We can unleash their abilities and contributions by providing them with access to high-quality education, involving them in decision-making processes, encouraging social and civic involvement, and encouraging entrepreneurship and innovation. Institutions, governments, and society must acknowledge the strength of youth to give them the assistance, direction, and opportunities they require to succeed. Let’s work together to create a future where Pakistan’s youth may achieve their goals, influence positive change, and establish a thriving, inclusive nation.

The position of women in Pakistani politics is crucial because it provides insights into the intricacies of gender dynamics in a culture shaped by religious standards and cultural traditions. Understanding women’s barriers and possibilities while participating in politics is critical for advancing gender equality and inclusive government. This article aims to delve into the intersection of gender, religion, and politics in Pakistan, shedding light on the historical context, legal framework, religious leadership, political representation, grassroots activism, case studies of influential women politicians, societal perceptions, and prospects. We may learn about women’s roles in Pakistani politics by investigating these elements, paving the path for a more inclusive political environment.

This article aims to examine the complex link between gender, religion, and politics in Pakistan, with a particular emphasis on women’s political engagement. Examining historical events and settings, legislative frameworks and reforms, religious interpretations and influences, political representation at various levels, grassroots action, and case studies of important women politicians will be part of the approach. These parts will be supplemented with appropriate examples, case studies, and factual data to offer a full knowledge of women’s roles in Pakistani politics.

Various variables, including cultural traditions and religious conventions, have impacted the historical backdrop of women’s engagement in Pakistani politics. Women have played crucial roles in numerous political movements throughout history and substantially contributed to society. Fatima Jinnah, the sister of Pakistan’s founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, for example, actively participated in the liberation fight and eventually ran for president against General Ayub Khan in 1965. Her campaign emphasized the value of women’s political engagement and set the path for future generations of female leaders.

Furthermore, religious norms and cultural traditions significantly impact gender roles in politics. Because Pakistan is largely Muslim, religious interpretations frequently influence society’s conceptions of women’s political activity. Segregation of sexes, for example, has historically hindered women’s visibility and involvement in public areas, including politics. This cultural practice has influenced women’s political participation and representation.

Pakistan’s legislative framework governing women’s rights and political involvement has evolved significantly. The Pakistani Constitution guarantees equal rights to all people, regardless of gender, and serves as a basis for women’s political development. The Muslim Family Laws Ordinance of 1961, the Protection Against Harassment of Women at Workplace Act of 2010, and the Election Act of 2017 all intended to alleviate gender imbalances and increase women’s political involvement. On the other hand, religious interpretations and cultural attitudes frequently impact the application and efficacy of these laws. For example, orthodox religious interpretations have affected legislation addressing divorce, inheritance, and child custody, limiting women’s autonomy and political power. Despite legislative protections, women continue to confront various obstacles in their political careers.

Religious leaders and organizations wield significant sway over public views toward female political engagement. Islamic theology offers a wide range of opinions on women’s rights and leadership positions, from conservative interpretations that emphasize gender segregation to progressive interpretations that urge for women’s equal involvement in all aspects of life. In Pakistan, prominent religious leaders have played critical roles in molding the discourse around women’s political participation. For example, the chairman of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (F), Maulana Fazlur Rehman, has expressed qualms regarding women’s political engagement, citing traditional religious convictions. On the other hand, women academics such as Dr. Amina Wadud have questioned orthodox interpretations and called for greater gender equality within an Islamic framework.

Women’s representation in Pakistani politics at all levels remains a big concern. Gender discrepancies in political representation are exacerbated by barriers such as restricted access to education, cultural expectations, and social prejudices. Religious standards, which are frequently reinforced through cultural practices, contribute to the reinforcement of these barriers. Nonetheless, many women have surmounted these obstacles and made major contributions to Pakistani politics. For example, Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan’s first female Prime Minister, defied conventional expectations and transformed the country’s political scene. Other female politicians, including Sherry Rehman, Marvi Memon, and Shireen Mazari, have faced obstacles and advocated for gender equality in politics.

Grassroots movements and civil society organizations have greatly aided women’s political empowerment in Pakistan. These projects integrate religious teachings with gender equality, allowing women to engage fully in political activities. The Aurat Foundation, for example, has played an important role in boosting women’s political participation by organizing capacity-building programs, campaigning for policy reforms, and conducting awareness campaigns. Furthermore, organizations like Tehrik-e-Niswan have used art and theater to question cultural views and confront gender-based violence, creating a more inclusive political atmosphere.

Case studies of powerful female politicians in Pakistan give useful insights into the dynamics of gender, religion, and politics. Asma Jahangir, a well-known human rights activist and lawyer, for example, managed the junction of gender and religion by pushing for women’s rights within the context of universal human rights. Her work highlighted that women may be politically involved while keeping their religious identity. Similarly, Malala Yousafzai, an internationally renowned champion for girls’ education, has bucked traditional and religious standards by speaking out about education and women’s empowerment, despite threats and violence.

Religious beliefs and cultural traditions frequently impact societal opinions of women in politics. Gender preconceptions, prejudices, and stereotypes restrict women’s political agency, subjecting them to social shame, discrimination, and even violence. Mukhtar Mai, a survivor of sexual assault who later became a champion for women’s rights, endured societal criticism and threats due to her efforts. Efforts to dispel these myths and establish inclusive political spaces are gaining traction. Women’s rights organizations, activists, and civil society organizations are working relentlessly to combat gender-based discrimination and violence and establish safe and inclusive political settings for women. While women’s political engagement in Pakistan has improved, there are still obstacles to overcome.

The prospects for women’s political empowerment depend on various circumstances, including continuous law reform, educational opportunities, and social views.

Several proposals might be explored to establish a more inclusive political atmosphere. These are some examples:

Enhancing legal frameworks: Improve the enforcement and execution of legislation that protect women’s rights and promote gender equality in politics. Invest in early childhood education programs encouraging gender equality, critical thinking, and political awareness. Conduct public awareness efforts that question established norms, address gender-based violence, and emphasize the necessity of women’s political involvement. Encourage political parties to implement gender quotas and promote female candidates, guaranteeing women’s full participation in decision-making. Encourage communication and involvement with religious leaders to improve knowledge of women’s rights within religious contexts and challenge conservative perspectives.

Finally, knowing the interaction of gender, religion, and politics is critical for understanding women’s roles in Pakistani politics. Historical viewpoints, legal frameworks, religious influences, political representation, grassroots action, case studies, and socioeconomic concerns influence the complex dynamics surrounding women’s political engagement. Pakistan may advance towards greater gender equality and enable women to actively contribute to the nation’s political landscape by addressing these concerns and following recommendations for a more inclusive political climate. Continued research, discourse, and action are critical to attaining gender equality and inclusive government in Pakistan.

Although we have won numerous battles, the war is not yet over. In contrast to politics and those who conduct it, the military strategy for winning the war is to wrap and close options. They try to balance competing concerns, keep options open, unwrap and present all options for political discussions, and work in all directions while seeking a quick solution that will be politically rewarding.

Tragically, the issue with the sporadic conflict that this nation has been battling for quite a while is that, throughout the long term, it has failed to stay an expansion of governmental issues. As a result, the war has generated its military momentum because military operations have driven the policy rather than served it. Before General Raheel Sharif decided to launch it in June 2014, there had been no North Waziristan operation. There was no apparent reasonable, steady, and direct interpretation of common military inclinations into military plans and activity — until the Military State-funded School Peshawar occurrence of December 2014 constrained the political heart of an enraptured political framework to surrender to the chance of a joint sitting to draft and support a public activity plan. Still, the military is doing everything possible to prevent internal and external circumstances and pressures from subverting the very purpose for which this war is being fought, despite the current political chaos and “attention-diverting political activities.”

As a student of the art and science of war, it is not difficult to deduce that the irregular war that our military fights today is not a political pawn. Rather than reaching out to the military to introduce and devise a joint strategic framework to secure the nation-state, its citizens, its economy, and even its institutions, politicians most frequently adapt to securing and enlarging their political positions, political space, and political power each time they come to power. This is not because it cannot or will not be done, but rather because the generals have fought and mastered it for a long time.

If interruption signifies ‘putting oneself purposely into a spot or circumstance where one is unwanted and excluded,’ then, at that point, the inquiry that we should pose to the present time is who has meddled whom? — Politics and war or politics and war? The regular citizen’s command over the military is glorified; however, assuming conflict is grasped in the language of the well-known military scholar Carl Von Clausewitz ‘as a political demonstration,’ then, at that point, it’s not the regular citizen yet the political command over the tactical that ends battle into a political demonstration. Not the “civilian,” but the all-encompassing “democratic political control” that should make strategic decisions for a nation, including those about the war’s political goals. The nation’s irregular war also suffers if democracy is undermined. Pakistan’s parliament will only be able to exercise “democratic political control” over the military if its members serve their consciences as much as they serve the dictates of their political parties, as was recently challenged and reprimanded by a strong candidate (Imran Khan) for the position of prime minister in 2018.

In today’s instant media, civil and military leadership appears to be more likely to use selective leaks to advance or derail each other’s concerns. The Dawn Leaks have recently been the most well-known in the civil and military context. These leaks are nothing more than ploys meant to serve the interests of either the civilian or military community. They are designed to elicit favorable responses from either group. The political motivation is the public disclosure and revelation of any military attempts to get involved in politics. Any leaks by the military would be used to reluctantly highlight any civilian decision deemed “dangerous” for national security as a last resort. Even though, from the perspective of the military and the Pakistan Military Academy’s Ingall Hall motto, “honor, duty, and country,” the decision facing any military leader should be straightforward: either live with the civilian decision and carry it out (which is not a popular choice) or publicly resign and state the reasons in the resignation letter if the decision is bad (dangerous) for our national security. Working the system by using leaks to put political pressure on civilians to change a decision is not the military way. The military teaches its officers right from the start in the military academy to keep their honor and the honor of their institution wrinkle-free, in addition to keeping their uniforms clean.

Curiously, today, armed forces prepared to battle regular fighting are moving to execute increasingly more counterinsurgency, counterterrorism, and country-building tasks. This shift rules out commanders to make themselves legends like Patton and McArthur. As a result of this shift, the battlefield is diminished and restricted to inward limits. Hence, it’s not the enormous military tasks at fantastic scope but rather little strategic fights setup that will decide the result of this conflict. In this military scenario, the military’s visible physical space is important, but the political leadership must occupy the larger political space through political control, politics, and executive power. For legislators to accomplish this tactical activity, trucks should not be tied in front of the political pony.

Tragically, a country battling an existential conflict has too diminished political support in the war zone to direct the war’s course. War references must be discussed at the negotiation table. Before resulting in military actions on the battlefield. The military will continue to win military battles if politics (policy) does not control military plans. However, the military will not be able to estimate the final point of victory or figure out how to get out of this war by devising an exit strategy in this irregular war, which is still the realm of politics.

Last but not least, when contrasting the three-year tenure of the military commander with the permanent presence of political leadership, our former president, Asif Zardari, famously stated, “We are here to stay; you are here only for three years.” Now that one gander at the ongoing world of politics in the country according to the tactical viewpoint, the military is more than happy that the Constitution of Pakistan guarantees that the political authority is perhaps turned over like clockwork at the chief level through the course of races. Parliament, like the military, is an institution that stays the same; the people who hold parliamentary seats are likely to change. Perhaps it will alter the political rather than military ownership of the war.

In our society, working mothers are becoming more common. Many women continue their professional careers after becoming mothers out of necessity or ambition. Regardless of the motivation, a woman’s choice to fulfill both roles has repercussions for child rearing, particularly in light of our society’s gendered division of parental responsibilities.

The state is under a protected commitment, revered in Article 37 of the Constitution, to work with ladies in the exhibition of their expert obligations by giving maternity benefits. One such instrument of facilitation is the provision of maternity leave. It gives women time to prepare for and recover from the difficult task of giving birth, to care for and bond with their newborn, and to establish systems for managing their child’s care when they return to work.

In Pakistan, the legal framework for maternity leave is largely outdated and has gaps, especially in the scope of its application. The regulations for arranging maternity leave in general society and confidential areas are particular. The Government Employees Demonstration of 1973 and the Changed Punjab Leave Rules, 1981 command the arrangement of 90 days full-paid maternity pass on to female government employees (other than those utilized on an agreement or the people who qualify under the law as laborers/workers), for their initial three kids. The Punjab government also granted male civil servants a week of paternity leave for their first two children in a commendable 2012 amendment to the Leave Rules.

The Punjab Maternity Benefits Ordinance of 1958 requires “commercial and industrial establishments” to provide their female employees with 12 weeks of full-paid maternity leave, regardless of how often they take it. Women who work in mines, factories, or workshops where a manufacturing process is undertaken, in commercial agencies, joint stock companies, insurance companies, banks, hotels, and cinema houses are entitled to 12 weeks of full-paid maternity leave by the provisions of the 1958 Ordinance and the Industrial and Commercial Employment (Standing Orders) Ordinance, 1968, which defines commercial and industrial establishments.

Although the 1958 Ordinance and the 1968 Ordinance apply to various organizations, educational institutions, hospitals, and non-profit organizations may not be regulated. The meaning of business foundations, given in the 1968 Law, doesn’t completely incorporate such associations inside its ambit; however, it could be deciphered as such. This point has also been obscured by judicial precedent. Educational institutions are not considered commercial establishments by some judicial authorities. Others reserve this conclusion solely for charitable, educational establishments. Similar legal ambiguity exists regarding the applicability of the 1958 and 1968 ordinances to hospitals and their status as commercial establishments. It is unclear whether non-profit organizations not run for charitable purposes also fall outside the scope of the ordinances, even though charitable organizations appear to do so. These private institutions may impose less favorable maternity leave policies—or none—in this state of ambiguity. It is necessary to make amends for this legal ambiguity and flaw.

In today’s world, it is undeniable that fathers must (and do) play a significant role in child-rearing. Additionally, a strong support system within the family that is bolstered by the father sharing familial responsibility makes it easier for working mothers to return to the workforce. In 2012, the Punjab government made the modification mentioned above to the Leave Rules, 1981, to recognize this fact. It should be mentioned that the length of paternity leave permitted is nowhere near adequate. The law doesn’t order the arrangement of paternity leave for male workers in the confidential area, where the requirement for the organization of such help structure is the same. A bill proposing paternity leave of 90 days, relevant across areas, was presented in the Indian parliament in 2017. If the legislature approved the bill, it would set a fantastic precedent for us to follow.

The Indian parliament has started a trend regarding this matter by changing the Maternity Advantage Demonstration of 1961 to increment full-paid maternity leave from 12 to 26 weeks (a half year). A few nations, such as Australia and Sweden, have set the base term of full-paid maternity leave much higher, the north of a year. Truly, it would be hard to figure out what the perfect term of maternity leave should be. However, our state should consider and evaluate the sufficiency of the 12-week maternity leave currently permitted by our law in light of the increasing nucleation of family structures.

The state’s sacred obligation is to work with hopeful and late moms in their converging obligation to raise families and proceed with proficient commitment and improvement. The state should modernize and justify the ongoing administrative plan of maternity leave to satisfy its previously mentioned liability. This is the mandate of Articles 34 and 35 of the Constitution, which obligates the state to protect the family, mother, and child and ensure women’s full participation in all aspects of national life, in addition to Article 37.

The Turkish election appears to be heading toward a run-off poll after a close race, with neither candidate achieving 50 percent of the vote. Recep Tayyip Erdogan, one of the candidates, established the presidential system’s electoral rules when he was Turkish prime minister (and later president). The second round of voting will take place on May 28. Turkey’s future is in jeopardy until then. The nation, which has experienced a significant disaster this year, will not know its future for at least two more weeks. Erdogan received 49.5 percent of the vote in the most recent round, while the opposition parties received 44.89 percent.

The election in Turkey is just one of many tests for global electoral institutions. A significant portion of the global population is confronted with difficult choices at the ballot box as a result of the global economy being in a state of flux, the conflict that appears to be unstoppable between Russia and Ukraine, the growing threats posed by climate change, and the economic difficulties that have arisen post-Covid. Indeed, even past the genuine decisions among gatherings and up-and-comers, the actual idea of majority rule establishments gives off an impression of being referred to.

For instance, in the United States, where democracy was once thought to be unbreakable, concerns about voting machines, the allegiances of electoral officials, and corruption revelations involving supreme court judges point to major issues in the future.

This is because the rules and procedures for voting determine the legitimacy of elections. The elected representatives of a nation are regarded as legitimate and rightful rulers and lawmakers when the public believes that the polls are fair.

The most recent presidential election in the United States provided one illustration of how elections can lose the support of large segments of the population. The way that previous president Donald Trump didn’t acknowledge the political decision results and that he and his supporters keep on accepting that the political decision was ‘taken’ from them means an emergency of authenticity that will be hard to determine in any event, when the following electing cycle starts.

Dominion, the manufacturer of voting machines, recently filed a lawsuit against pro-Trump Fox News for claiming that its poll equipment had rigged the 2020 elections by stealing Trump’s votes. This represented a modest victory against the power of losers who are challenging the legitimacy of the polls. In what is believed to be the largest settlement in a public defamation case in the United States, Fox News agreed to pay nearly $8 million. The verdict in the civil trial agreed with Dominion that the claims made by the news outlet were incorrect. In making them, they were found to have stigmatized Territory.

This doesn’t imply that the authenticity emergency in perhaps of the most progressive majority rules system on the planet has been settled. In the United States, millions of Trump supporters persist in their belief that Trump was the actual winner of the election. When the next election cycle begins, this belief is very likely to cause a lot of upheaval. Not only is there a possibility that supporters of Trump will disrupt the process, but there is also a possibility that the near-coup attempt on January 6, 2021, which occurred if Trump, who is likely to win the Republican nomination again, loses, will be repeated. When you add in the recent revelations regarding the alleged manipulation of a US supreme court justice’s political connections, you have a crisis that is almost certain to occur.

Even though conditions are so dire in advanced democracies, the chaos in our region is even worse and more complicated. At the point when an efficient exchange of force is supplanted by something different, in any event, when it is a no-certainty movement embraced by parliament, the authenticity of the actual framework is brought into question. Another dose of uncertainty is added when the Supreme Court’s decisions and subsequent appeals are factored in. The government’s recent arrest of former Prime Minister Imran Khan and his subsequent release on Supreme Court orders reflect this uncertainty. Yet again monday’s protest (presently canceled) by the PDM outside the High Court further mirrors the continuous pressure and the way that different constituent entertainers are raising doubt about the authenticity of whichever part of government issues choices or mandates against their inclinations.

This suggests that one or more parties will fight against one or more institutions if the outcome at the ballot box does not produce the outcomes they would like. This does not bode well for elections.

Elections and the separation of powers, two of democracy’s most important components, are a delicate dance that requires precision in every step. If not, the steps begin to fall out of order. Pakistanis must also consider how competing parties are likely to change the electoral system itself, if the Turkish context is any indication. Recep Erdogan after all has stayed in power however long he has by undermining the guidelines, quieting and taking out pundits, getting serious about a free media and disintegrating the division of abilities. Given all of this, one might wonder if the Turkish opposition would have won if Erdogan hadn’t orchestrated the state of Turkish democracy.

The volume of allegations and counterarguments will increase as Pakistani elections get closer. Pakistan’s voters must determine, amid the noise, which party or leader is most likely to follow the rules to maintain the election’s legitimacy. A pioneer should consequently have not just a pledge to the government assistance of the nation and its kin yet additionally to keep up with the holiness of the framework through which the person is chosen.

It must be excruciatingly painful for a politician who was raised in the lap of power and rode to power on their coattails to see both his party and himself fall apart. However, politics is that. There is a negative aspect to it, despite the wealth and power it grants to those who benefit. The drawback is always present, but the beneficiaries ignore it while enjoying the moment until the rug is pulled from under them. Having arrived at the zenith in cricket and made a decent name for himself in generosity, Imran Khan left his political profession in 1996. For the next ten years and a half, he stayed in the wild. Throughout the battle to cut out a specialty for himself in legislative issues, he upheld military ruler Gen Pervez Musharraf. Later, he was responsible for the passage of the 17th Amendment to the constitution, which gave the regime’s political system-changing changes to the seal of parliament.

Khan’s 2002 election to the National Assembly was “facilitated” in exchange for support. However, his hopes that the regime would lavishly reward him were dashed. He remained merely a parliamentarian until, in desperate circumstances, he resigned from the Assembly. However, right when he was being discounted, Khan jumped up a major shock by organizing a mammoth public gathering in Lahore – the city where political fortunes are made and lost – in October 2011. He became a force to be reckoned with and gave his previously unsatisfactory political life a metaphorical new lease on life. However, there was no shortage of people who would attribute the sudden and steep rise in his fortune to the same old “invisible hand,” which has a reputation for forming and breaking political alliances, governments, and political parties. By 2008, the PML-Q, the lord’s party that appeared after the fall of Nawaz Sharif in 1999, had been decreased to a posterior and there was a quest for another face that could be blessed.

Regardless, from that point on, numerous politicians joined the PTI. The majority of the new high-profile participants in the party were from the PPP – itself a sinking Titanic in those years – and some of them held pastoral openings in its administration (2008-2013) or generally involved senior situations in the party’s food chain. Those lovely people who might every day of the week play up to Asif Zardari and the Bhutto family for their political smarts and forfeits for a majority-ruled government began offering comparable complimenting comments about their new chief. It barely happened to the party authority around then that these legislators of problematic qualifications would burn through no time in leaving the PTI’s boat on the principal indications of sinking. Perhaps it never occurred to the initiative that their boat might at any point sink, since they had seen just the potential gain of governmental issues.

Khan is said to have been persuaded to march on Islamabad in 2014 over the alleged rigged national elections of 2013. However, Khan was not Mussolini, whose threat to march on the capital could oust the Italian government. From there on, regardless of declaring and executing different designs to remove the public authority – a four-month demonstration at Islamabad’s generally vigorously monitored square; beginning a common insubordination development; putting on large public gatherings in major cities; Khan’s campaign was unsuccessful, and he threatened to shut down the entire nation. However, the movement significantly weakened the civilian establishment, which many believe was the dharnas’ hidden purpose.

In 2018, Khan’s party emerged victorious in the contentious national elections. He finally had possession of the gold pot he had so desperately desired. That, yet as top state leader too he found not a solitary card stacked against him. On a single page, all of the institutions were The opposition, despite its size, was fighting for its existence with its top and second-tier leadership in and out of prison as the “corrupt” accountability movement, which was the tenet of Khan’s politics, was in full swing. The hybrid arrangement was praised by mainstream media which was largely criticized and a social media that was fully managed.

The economy, which was still falling apart, was the only problem. However, Pakistani governments are rarely undermined by the economy. So why bother? In any case, without authentic strains between the critical partners and with no resistance worth the name, the nation appeared to have arrived at the ‘finish of history,’ when each and every individual who matters figures they will live cheerfully until the end of time. It’s when humans start to see themselves as undying, dwarfs extravagant themselves to be monsters, and the fleeting is taken for the withstanding. Politics is viewed as the most fascinating and enthralling of all games because it can be played without fear of losing, or as a bed of roses where one can relax and let their imagination run wild.

Until the passing of time, the train’s youth, power, and glory instill a sense of invincibility. The hybrid arrangement after 2018 was shaken and eventually collapsed under its own weight, despite its seemingly flawless tectonics. The self-described man of destiny, on the other hand, was not doomed. He continued to rant and rave in a way that no one else had the audacity or permission to do, offline and online; The party remained intact, winning successive by-elections and receiving consecutive favorable court rulings. That multitude of variables joined to make the feeling that his subsequent coming was around the corner. On May 9, The feeling of power went wild, winding up looting and scouring state images in various pieces of the country. However, the red line was crossed in the most bizarre manner in Lahore, the city where the PTI first emerged in 2011. The violence on May 9 marked the beginning of the PTI’s unraveling. The ensuing days saw a few senior office conveners quit the party in a steady progression, the vast majority of them have invested a concise energy in jail and subsequently having their rite of passage in governmental issues. These deserters, who only knew one way to do politics, have mostly joined a new party that is ready to use the PTI’s political capital.

It has been a novel experience for the highest levels of PTI leadership. Previously, they were accustomed to taking other political parties’ heads, to use a Cricut expression, but now they were in a sticky situation facing a hostile spell. They have finally discovered the dark side of politics. As the previous head of the state, Zafarullah Jamali commented after his matter-of-fact leave, “The people who carry you to power can likewise drive you out. Politicians in our region enjoy the privilege of having nine lives. They always make a comeback, whether they are removed from power, disqualified, imprisoned, or exiled. Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif were both fired twice and sent to exile, but they both came back. However, after her death, Bhutto would have become state head for the third time – an accomplishment Sharif achieved in 2013. Sharif, who is currently disqualified and living in exile, may even improve his record.

Will Khan also see a re-visitation of force following a couple of years? Politics is similar to a card game in which a card discarded now may become the winning card later. However, it’s possible that he will never be able to regain all of the influential people’s trust.

The recent release of $2.7 billion in Iranian funds by Iraq, coupled with the promising prospects of resolving outstanding debts, highlights the intricate interplay between US power, the evolving global order, and the future of Iran-Iraq relations. This opinion article examines the multi-dimensional effects of US sanctions, the changing dynamics of world politics, and the potential implications for future ties between Iran and Iraq.

The imposition of US sanctions, particularly the maximum pressure campaign initiated by former President Donald Trump, has significantly impacted Iran’s access to its assets in foreign banks. The freezing of Iranian funds, including approximately $7 billion in Iraq, has strained Iran’s economy and hindered its ability to finance domestic development and trade.

The release of Iranian funds by Iraq underscores the influence of US power in shaping regional dynamics. By adhering to sanctions, Iraq not only demonstrates its vulnerability to American pressure but also highlights the extent to which US policies impact the behavior and decision-making of countries in the region. This power dynamic has implications for the future relations between Iran and Iraq.

The release of Iranian funds and the commitment to settle outstanding debts within a specified timeframe suggest a potential shift in regional dynamics. The changing world order, marked by emerging powers and evolving geopolitical alliances, has created an environment where countries seek to diversify their partnerships and lessen their dependence on a single dominant power.

Iran and Iraq, both facing challenges and constraints imposed by US policies, may find common ground in strengthening their bilateral ties. This regional realignment, driven by shared economic interests and a desire for greater autonomy, has the potential to reshape the balance of power in the Middle East and foster a more multipolar world order.

The release of funds and the prospect of debt resolution between Iran and Iraq offer a glimpse into the potential future of their relations. As Iraq takes steps to fulfill its financial obligations, it sends a positive signal to Iran, indicating a willingness to prioritize economic cooperation and overcome external pressures.

While US power remains a significant factor in the region, Iran and Iraq may seize this opportunity to deepen their economic integration, develop joint ventures, and enhance trade relations. By diversifying their partnerships and reducing their reliance on a single dominant power, both countries can work towards greater economic self-sufficiency and regional stability. To enhance the overall gaming experience, Betsson casino offers various promotions and bonuses, including welcome packages, free spins, and cashback rewards. They also have a loyalty program where players can earn points and unlock exclusive perks.

The release of Iranian funds by Iraq not only serves as a critical financial development but also offers insights into the complex interplay of US power, a changing world order, and the future of Iran-Iraq relations. The influence of US sanctions, coupled with the shifting dynamics of global politics, has necessitated regional realignment and enhanced economic cooperation between Iran and Iraq.

As the world order evolves, Iran and Iraq must capitalize on this opportunity to foster deeper ties, strengthen economic integration, and reduce their vulnerability to external pressures. By charting their course and diversifying their partnerships, both countries can shape their futures and contribute to the emergence of a more multipolar and stable Middle East.

Pakistan is experiencing a sharp resurgence in sectarian violence. Most frequently, such violence involves clashes between members of the two main sects of Islam – Sunnis and Shias – but violent incidents between the Brelvi and Deobandi sub-sects of Sunni Islam are also on the rise. The heightened frequency and brutality of Sunni-Shia clashes threaten national security. Sectarianism in Pakistan is the most destabilizing factor for the country’s political, social, religious, and security order. From the last 30 years onwards, Society has seen a number of suicide attacks, bomb blasts, assassinations,s and terrorist acts as the result of sectarian conflict. The government sometimes exploits the sectarian issue for political purposes which divides the society on the basis of sects, which is a grave threat to the stability of the country.

The first bit of sectarian trouble in Pakistan arose during the month of Muharram in 1950 in the city of Hyderabad in Sindh, in which nine muhajir (migrants) were killed. However, the first major sectarian agitation that gripped the country was the anti-Ahmadi movement in 1953, which led to the imposition of martial law in Punjab for the first time. A defining moment in Shia-Sunni radicalization was the Iranian revolution in 1979 and General Zia’s promulgation of zakat (wealth tax) and usher (farming tax) ordinances under Sunni Islamic law in 1980. As these laws conflicted with Shia law, General Zia’s move triggered the first mass demonstration when thousands of Shias turned out in Islamabad and demanded the repeal of these ordinances. These ideological differences gave birth to sectarian strife in Pakistan which threatened the security of Pakistan. Sectarianism has spread in Pakistan to such an extent that a number of people are losing their lives.

The recent cases in which we can see the evolving threat of sectarian violence in Pakistan: the lynching of a Sri Lankan factory manager accused of blasphemy in Punjab’s Sialkot district on 3 December 2021; and the bombing of a Shia Mosque in Peshawar, which claimed more than 60 lives on 4 March 2022. In May 2023 seven Shiite teachers were killed by the Sunni militant groups in Kurram, a district in northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, which has been the center of such violence in the past.

One of the most major and serious effects of sectarianism on Pakistan is its role as a hurdle in the development of economic growth. The terrorist acts of sectarianism have lessened the economic growth of  Pakistan by reducing foreign investment and putting  Pakistan in the rank of unpopular countries. Pakistan as a developing country heavily requires foreign direct investment in order to achieve high economic growth but due to the terrorist acts through sectarianism, many foreign investors considered it harmful to invest in Pakistan. Another serious effect of sectarianism on Pakistan is that it is causing social disorder and unrest in the country through sectarian violence. Pakistan is a multicultural society having people from different castes, languages, and races. Sectarianism is also breaking the bonds of unity among Muslims which consequently destroys Pakistan’s vision of one nation.

There is an imperative need to tackle sectarian violence. The constitution of Pakistan must be implemented in full spirit as it does not discriminate based on color, race, or creed and give full freedom of expression, association, and assign duty to respect fellow Pakistani. Sectarian violence is more political than a religious problem and politicians must solve this menace by political means rather than through violence. Media play their role in curbing sectarianism. They must report what is true and avoid yellow journalism. Reforms of Madrassa’s education are important to mainstream Madrassas and their curriculum is required to prevent the spread of hatred against other sects, religions, and societies.

Sectarianism creates violence in multiple societies like Pakistan. The reason is that people of different ideologies stick to their beliefs and do not compromise with others. Sectarianism is a real threat to Pakistan’s security. It has created ferocity, unrest, and disorder in society. Over the last three-decade sectarian conflicts have increased suicide bombings, bomb blasts, assassinations, target killings, and terrorist attacks. The sectarian strife has threatened Pakistan economically, sociologically, and politically. The government’s continuing failure to dismantle militant groups, enforce bans on hate speech and sectarian propaganda, improve the criminal justice system, and reform the madrassas has allowed sectarianism to thrive. In the absence of a comprehensive state crackdown, sectarian violence threatens to worsen Pakistan’s fragile security situation.

The recent political and economic upheavals in Pakistan are manifestations of the once-in-a-generation polycrisis, in which multiple crises converged, strengthened one another, and nearly spiraled out of control. They can achieve a rough framework collapse if such emergencies are left unrestrained. The fact that all parties involved are currently attempting to control this upheaval is not surprising. In any case, it is critical to take apart late occasions to comprehend the reason why they occurred and how can be forestalled such disasters later on.

Pakistan’s official foreign exchange reserves reached an all-time high of $20 billion in September 2021, with the compact between the various power centers still intact. However, at that point, two drivers all the while caused the country’s unfamiliar trade stores to dive sharply right down to under $3bn in February this year.

A political conflict that first surfaced in October 2021 was the primary driver. By the end of March 2022, this conflict had developed into a full-blown political and constitutional crisis, so much so that the new government couldn’t do much because it was under constant political pressure from people who still supported the previous government.

The subsequent driver was monetary. As the world emerged from the Coronavirus pandemic in mid-2022, costs began rising quickly in the Worldwide North. In February 2022, hostilities between Russia and Ukraine resulted in global inflation reaching 40-year highs, putting a significant strain on Pakistan’s economy, which was already struggling with high inflation and a lack of job creation.

Because the current stagflation has made life difficult for most people, policymakers must address genuine economic concerns. Pakistan’s economy was close to default due to the combined impact of these two factors, political and economic. As worldwide oil costs soar, Pakistan’s policymakers didn’t make ideal financial choices, mostly because they were too centered around braving the political upheaval and part of the way because ideal choices —for example, passing on higher oil costs or letting market influences decide the conversion standard — involved political costs that the new government was not able to pay.

In the hope that this would force the system toward general elections, some politicians also added fuel to the fire by creating chaos and insisting that default was imminent. By forcing people to acquire more and more foreign currency, they deliberately stoked inflation in the country and caused unnecessary panic, which delayed stabilization.

However, the economy’s outer position has fairly settled, and this adjustment has come at an extremely steep expense of practically no monetary development during this financial year — a pitiful 0.29 percent. Alarmingly, an additional 20 million people have fallen below the poverty line due to the country’s record-breaking floods and inflation of 38 percent last year. Appraises likewise show that the absence of monetary development will expand the number of jobless individuals in Pakistan to more than 10m.

There are a few policy lessons from these recent events as the dust settles. First, Pakistan’s economic slide must be stopped immediately, as evidenced by these appalling economic indicators and the fact that nearly 2 million young people enter the job market each year face unemployment or underemployment and are forced to take jobs that do not meet their training or financial needs. The Asian Development Bank claims that in light of Pakistan’s employment elasticity of 0.5 percentage points, it would require economic expansion of at least 7 percentage points to generate sufficient employment.

Because the current stagflation has made life especially difficult for most people, policymakers must address these genuine economic concerns. Neglecting to address these worries will probably prompt a significantly more extreme — existential nearly — polycrisis soon.

Second, the significant role that technology, particularly social media, played in the recent crisis is also highlighted by the capacity of some elements to create chaos. Political science professor Niloufer Siddiqui contends that political parties are increasingly using new narratives on social media to entice young voters in Pakistan’s traditional politics of electables and patronage.

Sadly, some of these manufactured narratives are out of the question because abuse has damaged the national spirit. Youngsters are losing confidence in the political administration’s capacity to control Pakistan out of its current arrangement of challenges. Upheavals occur in other nations as well, but the populace responds. On account of Pakistan, in any event, when the economy has created an ongoing record surplus for two back-to-back months, the Pakistani rupee is still sliding against the US dollar.

Policymakers need to track down approaches to utilizing innovation to impart realities and counter disdain discourse to keep the adolescent from losing trust. The significance of improving youth communication cannot be overstated because Pakistan is a young nation with a median age of only about 23 years. As the development of generative artificial intelligence now facilitates the dissemination of deepfakes, improved communication is also crucial.

Last, and maybe above all, Pakistan’s perpetual political issue should be faced. The country’s political space appears too constrained for some political parties every few years. As Samuel Huntington argued in 1968, vibrant political parties serve as the primary safeguards against social violence, so such purges are extremely detrimental to the political system over the long term.

For political parties to have the chance to develop democratically or fade away, policymakers must do everything in their power to keep the political space open. Pakistan should not accept a tyrant turn, as this would delete the unmistakable additions this political framework has made toward a majority-rule government.